Episode (4)
The constituency of Sukkot, Mahas, and Halfa.
Dalqo Al-Mahas contested many parliamentary elections during the democratic eras beginning in 1954. I say ‘democratic eras’ because an election has no meaning or flavour without democracy. Democracy is a system for managing freedom; to Muslim philosophers, freedom means doing what one wishes within the divine law. Freedom of will is achieved by restraining desires and appetites—it is the freedom of ethics. As one person put it in everyday language, freedom means that you control money rather than allowing money to control you.
For politicians, despite the breadth of its meanings, freedom means freedom of expression, thought, journalism, and publication, or doing what one wishes within the framework of law.
I would like to say what I can about this constituency, which witnessed successful parliamentary elections before Ibrahim Abboud’s military coup and the military council, and after the victorious people’s revolution of 21 October 1964. That was also the period of the infamous crime of drowning Wadi Halfa and Nubian lands and displacing their people. Today, aware young people are studying the case in an orderly way so it can be presented as a just case before international courts; that is the lawyers’ responsibility.
Before Ibrahim Abboud, the constituency was considered secure for Minister Mohammed Nour Al-Din. In one parliamentary election, however, competition intensified between him and Professor Mohammed Tawfiq Ahmed, former foreign minister and journalist known for his famous column ‘Embers’. Professor Mohammed Tawfiq continued telling stories from that election until the final days of his life.
Professor Mohammed Tawfiq Ahmed said that in one Mahas village, Saadiq, only two people were expected to vote for him. He thought perhaps those two had influenced the rest. When he entered the village, everyone welcomed him warmly, slaughtered animals, and raised tents until he no longer understood what was happening. He thought Nour Al-Din had fallen. He noticed a charming young man with a disability who spoke with people through gestures. Tawfiq said he trusted such people completely and wanted to understand the situation. After he finished eating, the young man came carrying a pitcher so Tawfiq could wash his hands. Tawfiq gestured, ‘Who will these people vote for?’ The young man immediately set down the pitcher and placed his palm on the ground—the sign for Mohammed Nour Al-Din. Tawfiq understood, took his leave, and continued his journey.
The disputes between the National Unionist Party, led by Al-Azhari and represented here by Mohammed Tawfiq, and the Democratic People’s Party, represented by Mohammed Nour Al-Din, were reflected in this constituency. Dr Shalabi Shafiq Al-Dardabri told me that he and Professor Awad Abdel-Majid Abu Al-Rish were among the first graduates of the University of Khartoum. Nour Al-Din used to invite students from Halfa at universities and schools to political gatherings at his home, and swore that Al-Azhari and Yahya Al-Fadli would never taste office while he was alive.
One of the remarkable stories from Nour Al-Din’s side of the Mahas election took place when he went to Shadda accompanied by Uncle Ali Shamiq. The people there had gathered to vote for Mohammed Tawfiq. While Nour Al-Din was speaking passionately, he suddenly stopped and asked in Nubian, ‘Is this not the village of Professor Mohammed Awad Al-Karim?’ When they said yes, Nour Al-Din took out a handkerchief and began to weep intensely; no one could quiet him. The voters then changed course, left Mohammed Tawfiq, and voted for Nour Al-Din.
Professor Mohammed Awad Al-Karim was among the victims of the bloody southern events of 1955. Professor Fathiya Al-Omda told me how southerners during those events showed loyalty, rescued her husband Dawoud Abdel-Latif, and escorted him to Khartoum under a faithful southern guard. We will not forget them. She said that southerners remained sincere in their connections with us, visiting us in London and Khartoum.
To be continued >>>>>>.